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Trump's America Under Trump's Second Term Seems Strangely Familiar to Those Watching from China

As Vickie Wang, a rising comedic talent, takes her platform in New York, she's not just thinking about which jokes to deliver. She also weighs what subjects to avoid. “I don't engage in directly attacking the government,” she explained. Or if she ventures there, she ensures it isn't captured for social media. “I would never publish openly content in which I openly disparage the government … I think this is a habit acquired back home.”

Wang, thirty-nine, lived in the Chinese metropolis for almost a decade, departing in that year. In 2025, she relocated to the US. When she got there, she dove into a frenzy of “overindulging on democracy,” going to lectures, demonstrations, and exploring the city's public library.

However in the year since Donald Trump was elected again, there's been a noticeable shift in the environment, she notes. “Back home, I knew the boundaries, whereas in the US I'm standing on unstable ground.”

Wang’s fears mirror a new political reality in America which numerous individuals from China, or people with experience in China, perceive as disturbingly familiar. Enemies face exclusion. The president expects total allegiance. Journalists are targeted. Institutions are attacked.

The president has openly expressed about his admiration for Xi Jinping, China’s authoritarian figure. He's called him as “fantastic”. As they agreed a temporary truce in economic tensions on Thursday, the camaraderie between both figures of countries with vastly different governance models was evident. And after decades of hope in the US that improved relations with the East may help the growing nation become more open, under Trump 2.0, it seems that the US is being pulled in China's path, instead of vice versa.

“The United States is experiencing an era of societal upheaval,” said a constitutional law expert, an academic at Peking University. “The president, Donald Trump, is trying to mobilise the masses to marginalize or weaken the elite … reminiscent of events in the country half a century ago.”

Ever since Trump initiated the so-called Department for Government Efficiency, or the agency, on federal institutions early on in office, many in China see US politics through the lens of China's historical period. Whether it is the mobilisation of the youth to execute presidential directives, or purging institutions of perceived enemies, Trump as viewed from China has brought Mao-style chaos to America, though absent the same levels of violence.

But since the upheaval of the early months of the new administration subsided, an unfamiliar, different kind of political atmosphere has emerged in the country, which variously also feels familiar to many Chinese people.

‘The Lighthouse Is Less Bright’

The most profound parallel between Trump’s America and the East is the suppression on open expression.

Deng Haiyan, now a CCP critic, found himself in the eye of a storm recently, the likes of which he once faced in China. Deng has lived in the US for several years, after escaping the country because of harassment from officials.

In September, following the passing of a public figure, Deng tweeted that Kirk was a “scumbag”. Like people across the US – many of whom were fired as a result of expressing criticism about Kirk – Deng faced significant backlash. His family was doxed and he was accused of being a Chinese spy attempting to divide the US.

“This incident was a real shock. I never imagined that something like this would occur in America – something that should only happen in a repressive state,” Deng said.

His backlash originated from online peers, rather than the state, but that kind of social surveillance also has similarities with China.

“In terms of going after those who disagree and monitoring open discourse about issues that are sensitive … It's appearing in the US,” noted an academic, a scholar at Georgia State University. “This is that you see in China today as well,” she added, adding that there were now fears in the US of students reporting on teachers, a type of monitoring that has been encouraged by Chinese authorities.

The professor, the legal expert, said that liberal Chinese intellectuals like himself used to look to America for political inspiration, in part because openly discussing internal affairs in China is risky. But now, “America isn't a god for progressive Chinese. America’s image has declined generally.”

“We used to see the US as the symbol of constitutional democracy, but since the new administration, this lighthouse appears dimmer”.

Chinese liberals, typically, at least in private, critical of the nation's governance, now perceive it less objectionable than America’s, he stated. “It’s sort of painful to accept this reality … but after the pandemic, the government appears to be pursuing the right thing in improving the environment and developing electric cars and tech investment,” he noted, while “Western nations, as represented by the United States, appear declining.”

The government's acquisition of stakes in US companies has prompted parallels with China, where the distinction between state and business is frequently unclear.

On Monday, authorities stated it will take an investor in a startup focused on mineral refinement, after taking similar stakes in additional firms deemed essential for the country's safety. The deals have made certain stakeholders concerned that America is entering a new era of state intervention in private industry.

There are still significant distinctions between the US under Trump and the East. In October, multiple media outlets including the Guardian refused to sign to a Pentagon policy that required they only report on approved news. American judiciary have blocked or reversed many of presidential measures, something that is impossible in the nation's party-dominated legal system.

Isaac Stone Fish, the founder of a consulting firm, specializing in China, commented: “The United States might face the worst crisis of its history, orders of magnitudes worse than currently, and it will still be freer, more open, and liberal than the East under its leader.”

Zhang notes that although numerous scholars in the country were surprised to see US universities yield to official requests regarding diversity and inclusion practices and open discourse on campus, in the East, leading institutions are all state-owned by default. University leaders, who are selected by the state, “cannot refuse. They dare not defy orders.”

Still, people in the US are starting to take precautions previously associated with repressive regimes. An academic at an American college once vocal on US-China issues refused to speak for this piece. He said: “Honestly, I fear of the censorship in the US: I actually feel more comfortable criticizing China's leader now than say anything bad

By

Cheryl Ayala

A tech journalist and gaming enthusiast with over a decade of experience covering digital trends and innovations.

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